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The New York Times Book Review
28 October 1984, pp.
1, 40-41.

Cultural Trauma and the "Timeless Burst": Pynchon's
Revision of Nostalgia in Vineland[1]
by
James Berger
Department of English
George Mason University
jberger@osf1.gmu.edu
Copyright (c) 1995 by James Berger, all rights
reserved. This text may be used and shared in accordance with
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of the publisher, Oxford University Press.
- Nostalgia has a bad reputation. It is said to entail an addiction
to falsified, idealized images of the past. Nostalgic yearning,
as David Lowenthal writes, "is the search for a simple and
stable past as a refuge from the turbulent and chaotic present"
(21). The political uses of nostalgia are said to be inevitably
reactionary, serving to link the images of an ideal past to new
or recycled authoritarian structures. And it is true that nostalgia
has played major roles in many of the reactionary and repressive
political movements of this century--in Nazism's reverence for
the "Volk," in socialist kitsch, and, in the
United States, in Reaganism's obsession with idealized depictions
of family life in the 1950s. Most recently, nostalgia has been
described as a masculine response to feminist threats to patriarchal
privilege.[2]
- Nostalgia has certainly kept some bad company. And yet, it
seems to me, the critiques of nostalgia have not addressed important
questions concerning the mechanics of how the past is transmitted
into the present and how it might best be used. Postmodern texts
and readings, as Michael Berube has noted (with reference to
Gravity's Rainbow), place great emphasis on problematics
of "transmission and reinscription; not on overturning the
hierarchy between canonical and apocryphal but on examining how
the canonical and apocryphal can do various kinds of cultural
work for variously positioned and constituted cultural groups"
(229). In this essay, I will reevaluate nostalgia as a form of
cultural transmission that can shift in its political and historical
purposes, and thus bears a more complex and, potentially, more
productive relation to the past than has generally been allowed
in recent discussions.
- I will reconsider the possibilities of nostalgia through
a discussion of Thomas Pynchon's 1990 novel, Vineland,
a book whose low critical reputation parallels that of the term
in question. In fact, Vineland has been criticized
precisely for its nostalgia, for a politics that exhibits an
overly comfortable longing for those good old days of the Movement
and the attempt at revolution.[3]
Indeed, Vineland seems, in its story's emphasis
on repairing the broken family, to veer toward an almost Reaganesque
nostalgia. The novel ends with a family reunion; its final word
is "home."
- Vineland works its way, however, to a very troubled
home, and its "sickness"[4]
is not a conventional nostalgia for idealized sites of origin.
Its concern, rather, as it returns to the 1960s from the vantage
of the Reaganist 1980s, is with how cultural memory is transmitted,
and it portrays the ideological distortions, marketing strategies,
and the variety of nostalgias through which Americans in the
1980s apprehended the 60s. Central to Pynchon's conception of
how the past inhabits the present is the notion of trauma. Vineland
returns to the 1960s not as to a site of original wholeness and
plenitude, but, rather, as to a site of catastrophe, betrayal,
and cultural trauma. Moreover, the past in Vineland
is not simply a place to which a nostalgic text may return. Rather,
it is the traumatic past that persistently leaps forward into
the present.
- And yet, as Pynchon presents it, along with the traumatic
return of the past into the present (a return which is necessarily
marked according to the prevailing Reaganist and consumerist
ideologies) is another, utopian, element. The utopian, or revelatory,
moment is simultaneous with the traumatic moment. And so, in
effect, Pynchon's nostalgia is a nostalgia for the future, for
possibilities of social harmony glimpsed at crucial moments in
the past, but not ever yet realized. Pynchon's portrayal of this
congruence or simultaneity of trauma and utopian possibility
resembles Walter Benjamin's use of the term jetztzeit,
the critical moment of historical, redemptive possibility which
continues to erupt into the present even after many previous
failures. Like Benjamin's use of jetztzeit, Vineland's
nostalgia possesses an ethical and political urgency, an imperative
to use its glimpse of utopian potential to try to change an unjust
history. And, like the jetztzeit, Vineland's
utopian/traumatic vision constitutes a kind of pivot or wedge
by which a given historical record can be loosened, opened, made
available to change. Where Pynchon's account of nostalgia chiefly
differs from Benjamin's treatment of jetztzeit is in Pynchon's
attention to the mechanics of how the traumatic/utopian cultural
memory is transmitted. Through his pervasive use of popular culture
imagery and tone, Pynchon emphasizes that historical trauma and
the possibilities of working through the trauma do not, as would
seem to be the case in Benjamin's "Theses," burst unmediated
into the present. Rather, the insistent return to, and of, the
past as a site both of catastrophe and of redemptive possibility
will always take particular cultural and ideological forms. In
Vineland, these will be the forms of American consumerism
and Reaganism in the 1980s.[5]
* * *
- In Vineland's first sentence, Zoyd Wheeler (Frenesi's
ex-husband, father of their daughter, Prairie) wakes up in the
summer of 1984,[6]
and prepares for an odd ritual. Each year, in order to receive
his mental disability check, Zoyd must commit some public act
that testifies to his insanity. A hippie, pot-smoking, small
time rock and roll playing, long haired freak of the 60s, Zoyd
is a picturesque character; he is very 60s. In fact, Zoyd is
part of a government funded program designed to keep the memory
of the 60s alive as a memory of insanity, and the opening scene
of the novel is a comic conflation of representations of the
60s in the age of Reagan: A hippie wearing a dress, wielding
a chain saw, performing a self- and property-destroying act which
is broadcast live on television.
- One of the greatest threats of the 60s, according to the
Right, was its blurring of gender divisions. The hippie was already
feminized by his long hair and lack of aggressivity (although
at the same time he was--inexplicably--appealing to many women).
Zoyd's dress heightens the gender confusion but, through its
absurdity, disarms it. This hippie, in his ridiculous K-Mart
dress, can be no threat to traditional masculinity--he's just
crazy. But with his chain saw, the 60s representative is also
a physical danger. He's Charles Manson, the hippie as Satanic
mass killer. And with the reintroduction of a physical threat,
the sexual threat also returns as Zoyd, now armed as well as
cross-dressed, enters the loggers' bar.
- The figure of Zoyd at the Log Jam brings together parodies
of feminism, gay activism, and senseless 80s violence all as
progeny of the old 60s hippie. And this is precisely the Reaganist
view of the 60s: a source of political and especially sexual
violence and chaos. As this opening scene of Vineland
suggests, Reaganism had (and the New Right continues to have)
an overriding interest in subsidizing and perpetuating the memory
of the 60s in these terms. And so the 60s enter the 80s in Vineland
as the Reaganist 80s would want to see them, as an aging hippie
wearing a dress hurtling through a window for the local news.
- The social upheavals of the 1960s--centering around rapid
changes in thinking about race, gender relations, sexuality,
nationalism and the American military, the power of corporate
technocracy and marketing--constituted America's central trauma
for the New Right. All the Reaganist themes return to the 60s
and attempt in some way to undo the incomplete changes of that
decade. As the feminist historian Rosalind Pollack Petchesky
describes it, the New Right is in large part "a movement
to turn back the tide of the major social movements of the 1960s
and 1970s" (450). And this view from the Left no more than
reinforces the Right's own self-description. Reagan was elected
governor of California in 1966 largely by campaigning against
student radicals. A hippie, Reagan said, was someone who "dresses
like Tarzan, has hair like Jane, and smells like Cheetah"
(Cannon, 148), and he promised to "clean up the mess at
Berkeley," in particular the "sexual orgies so vile
I cannot describe them to you" (Gitlin, 217).[7]
Richard Viguerie, the right wing fund raiser, claimed in the
early 80s,
It was the social issues that got
us this far, and that's what will take us into the future. We
never really won until we began stressing issues like busing,
abortion, school prayer and gun control. We talked about the
communist onslaught until we were blue in the face. But we didn't
start winning majorities in elections until we got down to gut
level issues. (quoted in Davis, 171) These
"gut level issues," which revolve primarily around
race, sexuality, and violence, point directly back to the social
conflicts of the 1960s and define that decade as the central
site of trauma in recent American history.
- But Zoyd is not the only relic from the 60s who returns.
While Zoyd's return is an orchestrated, well-funded gesture of
propaganda, Pynchon shows also how the traumatic memories of
the 1960s return involuntarily and somatically, as historical
symptoms which inhabit and haunt the 1980s. It is in this symptomatic
sense that ghosts play such important roles in Vineland,
and ghosts are, indeed, ideal figures to portray the return of
historical traumas. The ghost is propelled or, more accurately,
compelled from the past into the present, and bears a message,
invariably of a crime. Yet, in another sense, the ghost does
not bear the message; it is the message: a sign
pointing back to a traumatic event and forcing that event, in
a disguised or cryptic form, back into memory. The ghost is an
urgent, intolerable reminder of trauma: in other words, a symptom.
And it is usually a symptom not only of an individual crime,
but also of an underlying social sickness which extends into
the present.[8]
- In Vineland, ghosts appear in several forms.
Watching the documentary footage that her mother, a radical filmmaker,
shot during the 60s, Prairie becomes possessed by Frenesi, as
by a ghost. Prairie
understood that the person
behind the camera most of the time really was her mother, and
that if she kept her mind empty she could absorb, conditionally
become, Frenesi, share her eyes, feel, when the frame shook with
fatigue or fear or nausea, Frenesi's whole body there, as much
as her mind choosing the frame, her will to go out there. . .
Prairie floated, ghostly light of head, as if Frenesi were dead
but in a special way, a minimum-security arrangement, where limited
visits, mediated by projector and screen were possible. (199)
- Frenesi's vision of the 60s, as a bodily experience, inhabits
Prairie, and time--and the supposed barrier in time posed by
death--is porous, a "minimum-security arrangement,"
so that the past can actually exist, physically, in the present.
History, for Pynchon, is the alien, uncanny presence which is
also that which is most familiar; it is what has formed and informed
the present suddenly encountered as Other, as dead. History is
the living dead, buried once but come out of its grave, so that
the line between living and dead (at least as they function historically)
becomes blurred.[9]
- The most prominent ghosts in Vineland are the
Thanatoids. Although dead, these beings are physical and social.
They eat, live in communities, watch television, and can hold
conversations with living people. And the Thanatoids are, for
the most part, victims of traumas of the 1960s. Weed Atman, betrayed
by Frenesi during the rebellion at the College of the Surf, returns
as a Thanatoid. The text notes that "since the end of the
war in Vietnam, the Thanatoid population had been growing steeply"
(320), and Vato and Blood, the wreckers/ferrymen who convey the
disoriented, traumatized dead/undead to Thanatoid Village, are
themselves Vietnam veterans strangely in thrall to a Vietnamese
woman who (in more ways than one) balances their accounts. The
Thanatoids' traumas, as in psychoanalytic descriptions of the
symptom, are not in their memories--indeed, the Thanatoids are
only dimly aware that they may be dead--but on their bodies.
On seeing her first Thanatoids, DL tells Takeshi, "some
of these folks don't look too good." "What do you expect?"
Takeshi replies. "What was done to them--they carry it right
out on their bodies--written down for--all to see!" (174).
- The Thanatoids are symptoms--physical marks on the social
body--of the traumatic 60s now haunting and contributing to the
traumas of the 80s. And yet, the Thanatoids are also ridiculous,
another absurd remnant (like Zoyd at the novel's opening) of
the psychedelic 60s. And in this tension, between a serious,
portentous return of historical trauma and its representation
as a comic schtick enacted under the aegis of mass media, we
see a crucial feature of Pynchon's literary technique in Vineland,
his representation of history, and his version of nostalgia.
A ghost of the 60s can return in the 80s only as its own simulation:
a ghost playing a ghost, a "Thanatoid," a ghost expressed
in technical jargon, a mediated, postmodern ghost of the Reagan
era with an alarm watch that beeps out "Wachet Auf."
Yet, the 60s continued to return, albeit in these ridiculous,
ideologically tinted, "fetishized" forms, because of
their traumatic, indeed apocalyptic, place in American history.[10]
* * *
- Having shown, through the returns of Zoyd and the Thanatoids,
how the 60s were rewritten as chaotic, infantile, and ridiculous
in the Reaganist 80s, Pynchon also sets out in Vineland
to explore why the 60s failed. The social movements of the 60s
failed, in Pynchon's account--as did earlier radical movements--because
of certain betrayals. And political betrayals in Vineland
are inevitably linked to sexual betrayals; in fact, to failures
of sexual purity or chastity. Both Zoyd and Frenesi describe
political loyalty in sexual terms. Zoyd asks Hector Zuniga, the
DEA agent, "`Why this thing about popping my cherry, Hector?'"
Frenesi says to Flash, her second husband, "`Tell you what.
. . . I'll cross your picket line if you'll
go get fucked up your ass, OK? 'N' then we can talk about
busted cherries--'" (352). This stress on political or sexual
purity, ultimately, I will argue, is intentionally misleading.
As is the case with Vineland's language and its
depiction of how the past enters and inhabits the present, purity
is never in fact an option, and Pynchon derails even those myths
of purity that he describes most compellingly.
- Frenesi, nevertheless, does betray the Movement, her lover
Weed Atman, her husband Zoyd, and her daughter Prairie as a result
of her sexual obsession for her worst political enemy, the federal
prosecutor Brock Vond. Frenesi's failure, her "helpless
turn toward images of authority," is at the center of Pynchon's
portrayal of the failures of the 1960s. And Frenesi fatalistically
conjectures that "some Cosmic Fascist had spliced in a DNA
sequence requiring this form of seduction and initiation into
the dark joys of social control." Indeed, Frenesi fears
"that all her oppositions, however good and just, to forms
of power were really acts of denying that dangerous swoon that
came creeping at the edges of her optic lobes every time the
troops came marching by . . ." (83). Reciprocally, Brock
Vond's authoritarian politics are based on a fear of women and
of physicality that seems typical of right wing politics in general.
His sadistic control over Frenesi is a form of revenge against
a feminine part of himself and an expression of rage against
his own vulnerability--all of which we see in his recurring dreams
of being raped by his feminine alter-ego, the Madwoman in the
Attic (274).
- The full revelation of the connection between sexuality and
power comes during the "apocalypse" at Tulsa, when
Frenesi joins Brock for a weekend of sex and strategy. What is
unveiled, as the "weathermen" of Tulsa nervously acknowledge
"the advent of an agent of rapture" (212) and the radicals
at the College of the Surf feel the sense "of a clear break
just ahead with everything they'd known" (244), is the gun:
"`Sooner or later,'" says Brock, "`the gun comes
out'" (240). And the gun, as Frenesi understands it, is
an extension of the penis: "Men had it so simple. When it
wasn't about Sticking It In, it was about Having the Gun, a variation
that allowed them to Stick It In from a distance. The details
of how and when, day by working day, made up their real world"
(241).
- What is further revealed at Tulsa is the link between Brock's
gun/phallus and Frenesi's choice of revolutionary technology,
the camera. Frenesi had believed that the camera worked in opposition
to the gun, that its focus made possible a form of "learning
how to pay attention" which could "reveal and devastate"
the sources of social injustice (195). Brock, however, persuades
her that the camera is simply another way, alternate but parallel,
of "sticking it in from a distance." "`Can't you
see,'" he tells her, "`the two separate worlds--one
always includes a camera somewhere, and the other always includes
a gun, one is make-believe, one is real?'" (241). The full
revelation that emerges from Frenesi and Brock's relationship
is that the world, and all possibilities of human action and
desire, are circumscribed by destructive, interconnected, and
all-encompassing logics of sex, power, and representation.
- Frenesi can see no way out of this sexual, political, representational
impasse. The only alternative would seem to be a kind of Heideggerian
withdrawal from politics, sexuality, and representation--which
is, in effect, also a nostalgia for some pure, aboriginal condition
of Being untainted by human imprint. Such a withdrawal and nostalgia
is the effect of the parable that Sister Rochelle recites to
Takeshi Fumimota, retelling the story of the Fall. Originally,
in Sister Rochelle's account, "`there were no men at all.
Paradise was female.'" And the first man was not Adam, but
the Serpent.
"It was sleazy, slippery man,"
Rochelle continued, "who invented `good' and `evil,' where
before women had been content to just be. . . . They dragged
us down into this wreck they'd made of the Creation, all subdivided
and labeled, handed us the keys to the church, and headed off
toward the dance halls and the honkytonk saloons."
Finally, drawing her moral with regard to DL, with whom Takeshi
is now linked through their attempt to undo the effects of the
Ninja Death Touch, Sister Rochelle solicits Takeshi not to "commit
original sin. Try and let her just be" (166).
- Rochelle's admonition to "let her just be"--free,
that is, from impositions of notions of "good" and
"evil," and from all conceptual subdivisions and labels--recalls
Heidegger's dictum in the "Letter on Humanism" that
"every valuing, even where it values positively, is a subjectivizing.
It does not let beings: be. Rather valuing lets beings: be valid--solely
as the objects of its doing" (228). From Rochelle's Heidegerrian
perspective, all forms of inscription--the gun, the camera, the
phallus--are equally guilty. All constitute forms of "enframing,"
through which the world is not encountered on its own terms but
as a standing reserve" available strictly for use.[11]
And all contribute toward the construction of the "world
picture," the representation whose reality replaces that
of the world itself:
Hence world picture, when
understood essentially, does not mean a picture of the world
but the world conceived and grasped as a picture. What is, in
its entirely, is now taken in such a way that it first is in
being and only is in being to the extent that it is set up by
man, who represents and sets forth. (130)
- What is necessary, Heidegger contends, is to create a kind
of openness or clearing in which Being can become present on
its own terms, which can be accomplished by humanity's maintaining
combined attitudes of alert passivity and nurturing. In Vineland,
this role is taken by Zoyd, who both nurtures his (and Frenesi's)
daughter Prairie and is able to let her be. Zoyd is a father
with the qualities of a mother, a father without the Phallus,
whose penis is only a penis. He is not quite a void--some figure
for feminine absence entirely outside the symbolic order; he
is...a Zoyd: passive but capable, a laid-back fuck-up but a good
parent, out of the loop but very much in the symbolic. And Prairie,
as her name implies, is the clearing, the opening, which Zoyd
allows to come into presence and who may become the site of a
new political-sexual-symbolic order not based on the gun, the
camera, and the Phallus.
- This would be a straight Heideggerian reading, for which
Pynchon has provided plenty of cues. But the book is too complex
and excessive to allow us to stop here. In the first place, Prairie
is not simply a clearing. She is also a subject, and a daughter
in search of her mother--more importantly, as it turns out, in
search of her mother's history. She is aided and guided by DL
and Takeshi, who have their own history to work through, and
who do not just let Prairie be. If Prairie is the opening out
of the closed sado-masochistic symbolic-political system embodied
by Brock and Frenesi, she achieves this status not merely through
the Heideggerian presencing suggested by Sister Rochelle's injunction.
She needs the help of a man and woman whose relation, like that
of Frenesi and Brock, is mediated by a Death Touch.
- Pynchon, then, advances Sister Rochelle's Heideggerian alternative
but does not, finally, accept it. At the same time, however,
Pynchon suggests the importance of Heideggerian attitudes of
withdrawal in the late 1960s as the New Left was falling apart.
For Heidegger's opposition to all forms of "enframing"
can be translated in the context of the late 60s to two instances
from popular culture: to the Beatles' quietist slogan, to "Let
it Be," and to the Rolling Stones' parodic response, to
"Let it Bleed." That is, the Heideggerian position
in the late 1960s suggests attitudes both of passive withdrawal
and of terrorism.
- The Beatles' song and album of 1969 spoke of a miraculous
epiphany "in my hour of darkness" when "Mother
Mary comes to me, speaking words of wisdom, Let it be, let it
be." Like the sentiments in "Revolution" ("If
you go carrying pictures of Chairman Mao/You're not gonna make
it with anyone anyhow"), "Let it Be" advocates
a withdrawal from a political activism which, in 1969, appeared
to have utterly failed. And political activists in 1969 seemed
to be faced with two alternatives: either to retire into some
more private world of small community, religion, family, graduate
school and let the larger world be; or to immerse themselves
in the political chaos and violence, break down the barriers
of their own scruples and repressions, not resist violence but
become violent. To become a terrorist in that context was to
"go with the flow," or as the title of the Rolling
Stones' song put it, to "Let it Bleed."
- "Let it Bleed" was released apparently in response
to the vapid quietism of "Let it Be," but the tone
of the song seems to belie the violence of its title. It is reassuringly
melodic, without the sinister, if theatrical, edge of songs from
"Beggar's Banquet" (such as "Street Fighting Man"
and "Sympathy for the Devil") which was released a
year earlier. In fact, it seems in its tone and lyrics to reassert
the sense of community that by 1969 had all but disappeared from
the radical movements: "We all need someone we can lean
on/And if you want to, you can lean on me..." But there
is a strange sarcastic drawl that Mick Jagger gives to the word
"lean" that immediately puts the assertion of community
in question. And as the song continues, it appears to be not
about community but about dismemberment and the unencumbered
exchange of bodily fluids. "We all need someone we can lean
on" is succeeded by "...dream on," "...cream
on," "...feed on," and finally "...bleed
on." In the verse, a woman tells the singer that her "breasts
will always be open," and Jagger responds that she can "take
my arm, take my leg/Oh baby don't you take my head." And
at the end of the song, having sung, "You can bleed all
over me" he sings "You can come all over me."
The sarcastic emphasis on "lean" indicates that the
mutual dependence and reciprocity implied by the opening line
will in fact resolve into a mutual disintegration and a dissolution
of both subjectivities into an undifferentiated flow of desire.
The song proceeds from the mutuality of "lean" to a
succession of self-shatterings: the unconscious (dream), orgasm
(cream), cannibalism (feed), and bleeding (whether of a wound
or of menstruation), and finally conflates the emissions of blood
and semen. By the end of the song there is nothing but flow,
unrestricted by any physical or social structure. To "Let
it Bleed," then, means to eliminate all distinctions and
values: to let desire desire, to let flow flow. It is, though
with a shift of emphasis, really not so different from letting
Being be. "Let it Bleed," I suggest, constructs a rock
and roll version of the desiring machines of Deleuze and Guattari's
Anti-Oedipus.
- Deleuze and Guattari are named in Vineland at
the wedding of Mafioso Ralph Wayvone's daughter as authors of
The Italian Wedding Fake Book, to which Billy Barf
and Vomitones (disguised as Gino Baglione and the Paisans) resort
when it becomes clear that they do not know any appropriate songs
for an Italian wedding. They are only mentioned once, without
elaboration, and it may be only another Pynchonesque throwaway,
but if we follow the logic from Sister Rochelle's "Let her
be" to Heidegger, the Beatles, and the Rolling Stones, the
reference to Deleuze and Guattari extends the Vineland's
exploration of how to contend with the "Cosmic Fascist"
which has contaminated sex, politics, and representation.
- Published in 1972, Anti-Oedipus, like "Let
it Be" and "Let it Bleed," responds to the perceived
catastrophic breakdown of the 60s social movements. It is to
the political, and libidinal, utopianism of Herbert Marcuse and
Norman O. Brown what the Weathermen were to the earlier communitarian
idealism of the SDS. That is, it is a form of theoretical terrorism
conceived in the collapse of hope in effective politics. The
major problem Deleuze and Guattari address, and the problem which
for them invalidates conventional political action and belief,
is precisely the problem raised by Frenesi and Brock's relationship,
that of an inner fascism which structures sexuality, politics,
and representation and which is apparently inseparable from these
latter structures. As Michel Foucault writes in his Preface to
Anti-Oedipus,
the major enemy,
the strategic adversary is fascism. . . . And not only historical
fascism, the fascism of Hitler and Mussolini--which was able
to mobilize and use the desire of the masses so effectively--but
also the fascism in us all, in our heads and in our everyday
behavior, the fascism that causes us to love power, to desire
the very thing that dominates and exploits us. (xiii)
For Deleuze and Guattari, there is no structure, no boundary,
no form of identity which is not a blockage of the flow of desire,
a flow which they posit as the only and necessary alternative
to inner fascism. Desire alone is revolutionary. It is not governed
(contra Freud) by the Oedipal conflict and its subsequent repressions,
nor (contra Lacan) by some even more primal lack. Desire is nomadic
and universal, and "does not take as its object persons
or things, but the entire surroundings that it traverses, the
vibrations and flows of every sort to which it is joined, introducing
therein breaks and captures"; it is only "through a
restriction, a blockage, and a reduction that the libido is made
to repress its flows in order to contain them in the narrow cells
of the type 'couple,' 'family,' 'person,' 'objects' (292-93).
- This relation between structure, desire, and inner fascism
seems to describe the political sadomasochism of Brock and Frenesi
and to provide a theoretical context for the catastrophes of
the New Left in the late 60s. And if the problem is structure
per se, any solution, as Deleuze and Guattari elaborate,
must begin with destruction. What follows seems impossibly vague--the
creation of subject (rather than subjugated) groups which can
cause "desire to penetrate into the social field, and subordinate
the socius or the form of power to desiring-production"
(348)--but the initial task is clear: "Destroy, destroy.
The task of schizoanalysis goes by way of destruction--a whole
scouring of the unconscious, a complete curettage. Destroy Oedipus,
the illusion of the ego, the puppet of the superego, guilt, the
law, castration" (311).
- Anti-Oedipus marks a point in the history of
theory which, both temporally and in spirit, parallels the moment
of fragmentation, catastrophe, and apocalypse when, for the New
Left, all forms of reasonable politics--either of working within
the system or even of resisting it--became impossible. "Let
it Be" or "Let it Bleed." And yet, oddly, the
quietist Beatles/Heideggerian position blurs into the revolutionary
or terrorist Stones/Anti-Oedipus position. Both
are post-apocalyptic responses to catastrophes perceived as all-encompassing
and irreversible, as coterminous with the entire existing order.
Both are complete rejections of that order, and embrace instead
some incipient revelation outside of what the current, failed
order is able to articulate.
- It is only during times of massive cultural despair that
such attitudes can appear as workable political positions, and
Pynchon presents these absolute critiques of a phallic economy
in the context of that late 60s moment when the counterculture
tried utterly to divest itself of "Amerika" only to
find those same forces of power and sexuality in itself. Yet
we are not meant to see a Heideggerian or Deleuze-Guattarian
position as providing the novel's moral or political or redemptive
energy. These positions, rather, represent initial, immediate,
post-apocalyptic spasms. Heidegger's is a voice from the grave
(in Heidegger's case, the grave of the German national dasein)
in which all human acts appear flattened in the radiant (non)perspective
of Being. Deleuze and Guattari's is the voice of the revenant
who has risen from the grave to devour the living. Both, in fact,
are variations of Thanatoid postures, the resentful, traumatized,
passive-aggressive (or aggressively passive) attitude of the
living dead.
* * *
- The moment of trauma, the apocalypse of the late 1960s--the
moment that returns and is returned to--contains the revelation
that all social structures, all human acts and culturally inflected
desires, are inhabited by the Cosmic Fascist. At this same traumatic-apocalyptic
moment, however, Vineland also depicts alternatives
which entail neither quietistic withdrawal nor terrorism. The
first of these alternatives is Karmic Adjustment, Vineland's
parodic combination of psychoanalysis and Eastern religion. The
second is the recurring vision of utopian possibility which,
in Vineland, emerges at the same moment as does
cultural trauma and inevitably returns with it as well. And these
two forms of return--the working through of trauma and its symptomatic
reincarnations by means of Karmic Adjustment, and the returns
of utopian vision--in combination constitute Vineland's
revised nostalgia.
- DL Chastain and Takeshi Fumimota are the first characters
in the novel to attempt to "balance" their "karmic
account" (163). Their whole relationship, it must be noted,
doubles that of Frenesi and Brock Vond. In fact, when they first
meet, in a Tokyo brothel, Takeshi has accidently taken Brock's
place as a customer, and DL (who was to meet and assassinate
Brock) is disguised as Frenesi. In this role, DL mistakenly administers
to Takeshi the Ninja Death Touch, an esoteric martial arts technique
which results in death up to a year after its application--acting,
as doctors later tell Takeshi, "like trauma, only--much
slower" (157). DL and Takeshi's relation, like that of Frenesi
and Brock, is marked by trauma: the Death Touch stands in for
the Cosmic Fascist.
- But while Frenesi and Brock arrive at a point of apocalyptic
resignation whose dual forms are quietism and terrorism--"Let
it Be" and "Let it Bleed"--DL and Takeshi, with
the help of Sister Rochelle, enter the business of Karmic Adjustment.
Although Sister Rochelle advises Takeshi to "let her just
be" (a strategy which, as we have seen, is insufficient),
she also insists that DL and Takeshi remain together, and that
they balance their karmic account through DL's "working
off the great wrong you have done him" (163). This work
involves, first, intensive therapy for Takeshi on what appears
to be an enormous high-tech acupuncture machine, the "puncutron."
Ultimately, however, the process of healing consists of DL and
Takeshi, gradually and with great resistance, creating for themselves
a sexual relationship outside the reach of the Death Touch.
- While working on balancing their own karmic account, DL and
Takeshi encounter the Thanatoid community and transform their
personal karmic labor (as the Reaganist entrepreneurial spirit
would have it) into a small, high-tech, service industry based
on treating unresolved Thanatoid traumas. The Thanatoids, they
observe, are victims "of karmic imbalances--unanswered blows,
unredeemed suffering, escapes by the guilty" (173). And
in the course of their work, DL and Takeshi
became
slowly entangled in other, often impossibly complicated, tales
of dispossession and betrayal. They heard of land titles and
water rights, goon squads and vigilantes, landlords, lawyers,
and developers always described in images of thick fluids in
flexible containers, injustices not only from the past but also
virulently alive in the present day. (172)
- The injuries and betrayals to be healed, then, are sexual
and personal, but also social and historical; and Pynchon's portrayal
of Karmic Adjustment suggests that similar therapies can be applied
to both types. Karmic Adjustment resembles, though on a broader
scale, the Freudian process of "working through," of
learning to substitute a narrative remembering of trauma in place
of a symptomatic repetition. As Freud wrote in Beyond the
Pleasure Principle, a victim of trauma "is obliged
to repeat the repressed material as a contemporary experience
instead of, as the physician would prefer to see, remembering
it as something belonging to the past" (18).[12]
In Vineland, Frenesi and Brock, DL and Takeshi,
the Thanatoids, and American culture as a whole in the 1980s
all are engaged in repeating traumatic conflicts of the 1960s
(which themselves, in Pynchon's view, repeated such earlier traumas
as the suppression of the Wobblies and the McCarthyist purges),
and Karmic Adjustment provides a way to work back to those traumatic
moments and retell them so as to make possible new histories
and new futures.
- At the same time, the whole Karmic Adjustment business is
somewhat dubious. It is, after all, partly a scam. As Takeshi
explains to DL, "they [the Thanantoids] don't want to do
it, so we'll do it for them! Dive right down into it! Down into
all that--waste-pit of time! We know it's time lost forever--but
they don't!" (173). It is also, as the Thanatoid Ortho Bob
Dulang reminds the two entrepreneurs, "wishful thinking"
(171). Moreover, Karmic Adjustment, the Ninja Death Touch, DL's
whole martial arts education, Sister Rochelle's Kunoichi sisterhood
all are part of Vineland's comic treatment of the
American interest in Eastern religion which took off in the 60s
and reached a commercialized apotheosis in the 80s. Like the
Thanatoids as symptoms of historical trauma, Karmic Adjustment
as the working through of those symptoms is a joke, a bit of
recycled 60s absurdity.
- And yet, it is precisely as joke, as absurdity, that we can
see Karmic Adjustment as a figure for Pynchon's novelistic technique
in Vineland. Traumas of the past return and are
repeated as symptoms; but these symptoms may be outfitted in
ridiculous historical costumes and take bizarre cultural forms.
Indeed, Vineland itself is one of these ridiculous
costumes and bizarre forms. Vineland's structure
and style, its status as comic routine, an 80s parody that approaches
Fredric Jameson's notion of postmodern "pastiche"--a
parody that has lost its moral axis and become indistinguishable
from what it presumably had set out to satirize--enact the novel's
sense that postmodern cultural memory will be linked, inevitably
and inextricably, to the consumer culture in which it is formed.
As a "postmodern historical novel," Vineland
occupies a cultural position analogous to that which it creates
within itself for Karmic Adjustment.
- In its persistent and affectionate use of the cultural forms
which it at the same time identifies as traumatic symptoms, Vineland
verges on becoming what Michael Berube calls, in his discussion
of Gravity's Rainbow, a Pynchonian "pornography."
Berube describes this "pornography" in political and
historical, rather than in sexual, terms as a "regressive
anamnesia that recreates illusory, prelapsarian (or prelinguistic)
unities through a complex mechanism of dismemberment and reconfiguration;
and since," Berube continues, "nostalgia itself works
by much the same dynamic, Pynchon's 'pornography' gives us fresh
purchase on the cultural critique of nostalgia as well"
(248). If Vineland did nothing more than show the
inescapability of postmodern cultural forms, then it would be
a "pornography" in Berube's sense. Hanjo Berressem
comes close to making this claim when he argues that "Vineland's
main theme is the complicity of the subject with power"
(237) and that in its inscriptions of popular and media culture,
the novel "acknowledges thematically as well as structurally
that literature (as well as criticism) is never innocent"
(236). While the latter statement is certainly true, what needs
to be added to Berressem's Lacanian examination of Pynchon's
aesthetic strategies in Vineland, and what removes
the novel from the status of nostalgic "pornography,"
is the decisive role of historical trauma in helping both to
create and to destabilize the postmodern cultural forms that
the novel employs. The novel cannot help but be complicit, nostalgic,
"pornographic,"--a part of the symbolic order--and
yet it consistently returns to those historical moments that
disrupt its "regressive anamnesias." It continually
stumbles on what Slavoj Zizek calls the "rock" of the
Lacanian Real: "that which resists symbolization: the traumatic
point which is always missed but none the less always returns,
although we try . . . to neutralize it, to integrate it in to
the symbolic order" (69).
- Vineland's stylistic and thematic insistence
on its whimsical deflections through American consumer culture,
its role as schtick or pastiche, should not blind us to its historical
seriousness and accuracy. Consider that DL is an American military
brat who puts the Death Touch on an Asian man through a displacement
of American domestic concerns, then is linked to him by guilt.
This sounds historically familiar. And the novel's depictions
of betrayals and repressions of and within the old and new lefts
are essentially accurate: The I.W.W. in the Northwest really
was brutally repressed by local and federal authorities during
the First World War. The F.B.I. in the 1960s really did infiltrate
and subvert leftist movements. Hanging the "snitch jacket"
on radical leaders (as Frenesi did to Weed) really was a common
tactic. Lenient regulations regarding federal grand juries in
the early 1970s really did allow federal prosecutors (like Brock
Vond) to conduct open-ended investigations of people and organizations
who had not been accused of any crime.[13]
And, most generally, as historians such as Sara Evans have pointed
out, much of the New Left's failure was, in fact, due to its
inability to conceive of an egalitarian sexual politics.[14]
- Part of Vineland's project, then, is to represent
the transmission of the social traumas of the 1960s into the
1980s, and to suggest a method--which, in the 1980s, can only
be parodic--of coming to terms with these traumas. But trauma
is not all that returns in Vineland from the 1960s.
Pynchon also describes a utopian, communitarian, vision and energy
as having provided the basis for 60s radicalism, and then returning
to indicate a moral and political axis for confronting neo-conservative
and Reaganist politics of the 1980s. Frenesi, in the mid-60s,
"dreamed of a mysterious people's oneness, drawing together
toward the best chances of light, achieved once or twice that
she'd seen in the street, in short, timeless, bursts..."
(117). The model for such a community is Frenesi's radical film
collective, 24fps, and it is important to note that this group
explicitly dedicates itself to a kind of visual-political revelation:
They went looking for trouble, they found it, they filmed it,
and then quickly got the record of their witness someplace safe.
They particularly believed in the ability of close-ups to reveal
and devastate. When power corrupts, it keeps a log of its progress,
written into that most sensitive memory device, the human face.
Who could withstand the light? (195)
- Frenesi's vision is a form of witnessing and is meant to
be transmitted--as it is, twenty years later, to her daughter,
Prairie, who, seeing her mother's films, "could feel the
liberation in the place that night, the faith that anything was
possible, that nothing could stand in the way of such joyous
certainty" (210).
- These utopian moments, "timeless bursts" of light,
liberation, and possibility, are the sites of Pynchon's revised
nostalgia. Along with the disasters and failures of the 1960s,
whose traumatic residues continue to haunt the landscapes of
the 1980s, Pynchon also locates moments of vision that leap outside
their traumatic histories. These moments, in the first place,
oppose the social injustices of their time. Secondly, they indicate
alternative, communitarian, non-domineering, non-acquisitive
forms of social life. We see these forms partly embodied in the
social fabric of 24fps and in the early days of the "People's
Republic of Rock and Roll" at the College of the Surf. These
forms of idealistic, politically committed communal life resemble
the ideal Sara Evans describes in Personal Politics as the "beloved
community."[15]
And, finally, the "timeless bursts" of utopian feeling
are unsuccessful; they are never achieved, but exist and are
transmitted primarily as vision--and so it is fitting that Pynchon
portrays this utopian vision as the work of radical filmmakers.
- Pynchon's revised nostalgia, then, is for sites of unrealized
possibility; and it is a nostalgia which, as if akin to the social
traumas that surround it, returns of its own accord, together
with those traumas, and opposing them. In this revised nostalgia,
it is not so much that we seek to return to a site of original
wholeness; rather, the unrealized possibility of social harmony
and justice itself compulsively returns, providing an alternative
to existing conditions and a motive for changing them. Vineland
describes a post-apocalyptic (or post-traumatic) and utopian
nostalgia whose longing, amid the traumatic effects of historical
crisis and disaster, is for yet unrealized forms of community.
This nostalgia shoots into the present as a "timeless burst,"
but it entails the effort to work through historical trauma and
to construct the social relations which it has imagined.
- Vineland's revised nostalgia, then, is quite
distinct from the nostalgias attributed to it by its critics--the
"60s nostalgic quietism" attributed to it by Alec McHoul.
Pynchon does describe in Vineland these more conventional
processes of nostalgia, the ways in which specific traumatic
and political memories are obscured by memories of fashion and
by universal laments about "the world," "the business,"
and human nature. And Pynchon shows how the nostalgic machinery
which has already obscured the Wobblies, the Second World War,
and McCarthyism is now at work on the 60s.[16]
Pynchon's nostalgia for the "timeless bursts" of the
1960s is, rather, more akin to Walter Benjamin's idea of "jetztzeit,"
that urgent "time of the now," the pivotal moment in
which the history of oppression can be rewritten. And we should
note that Benjamin, anticipating the fate of the Thanatoids,
writes that "even the dead will not be safe from
the enemy if he wins" (255, Benjamin's emphasis).
- Pynchon, like Benjamin, gives a new political meaning to
the pain of the returning past, and demonstrates that nostalgia
need not have only a negative or reactionary value. Pynchon's
revised nostalgia does not constitute (as, for instance, does
Reaganist nostalgia) a leapfrogging back past historical trauma
to some imagined age of solid family values. It emerges, rather,
directly out of the moment of greatest trauma, out of the moment
of apocalypse itself. Thus, the family reunion with which the
novel ends is not, despite superficial resemblances, a paean
either to the "family values" of the New Right or to
a middle-aged New Leftist's yearning for vanished youth. Even
Prairie's eventual reunion with her mother, Frenesi, turns out
to be, ultimately, beside the point. Her more important encounter,
and reconciliation, is with the Thanatoid Weed Atman, the former
revolutionary whom Frenesi had caused, or allowed, to be murdered
back at the College of the Surf. Weed, in turn, "still a
cell of memory, of refusal to forgive," can only work through
his "case," his obsession "with those who've wronged
[him], with their continuing exemption from punishment"
(365) by means of this relationship with the daughter of the
woman who betrayed him. Prairie, touching Weed's hand, is "surprised
not at the coldness . . . but at how light it was, nearly weightless"
(366). It is this relationship that gives his existence weight
and allows him, like the tails of the Thantoid dogs, to "gesture
meaningfully in the present" (367).
- The physical presences and meaningful gestures of these ghosts
of history in Vineland allow us finally to distinguish
Pynchon's revised nostalgia from the genuinely regressive nostalgia
of a work like Forest Gump. Gump, of
course, brings the 60s back to the present through its extraordinary
"documentary" special effects scenes that show us Forest
shaking hands with Lyndon Johnson, as well as Forest participating
both in the Vietnam War and in anti-war protests. Forest redeems
the traumas of the 1960s, but the redemptive formula in that
film lies in being oblivious to politics--and to adult sexuality--altogether:
in simply (that is, very simply) being "human."
This vision of an apolitical, virtually infantile, "humanity"
that can redeem a damaged national history is probably, unfortunately,
the source of the movie's enormous appeal. This vision is also
a large part of the appeal of Reaganism and of the current neo-Reaganist
Republican ascendency. In Vineland, however, every
human feeling and relation springs from political-historical
premises and is laden with political consequences. While Forest
Gump firmly separates the traumatic from the redemptive,
in Vineland the two are always fused. The real reunion
at the end of Vineland is of the living with the
dead: a reunion with the traumatic past (now at least partially
"karmically adjusted") and with the utopian sense of
possibility that flashed into being at the same apocalyptic moment.
Notes
- Thanks to Michael Prince and to the anonymous readers for
Postmodern Culture for their help in revising this
essay.Back
- "In the imaginative past of nostalgic writers,"
write Janice Doane and Devon Hodges, "men were men, women
were women, and reality was real. To retrieve 'reality,' an authentic
language, and 'natural' sexual identity, these writers fight
the false, seductive images of a decadent culture that they believe
are promoted by feminist writing" (3).Back
- See, for example, Brad Leithauser's ridicule: "How delightful
it is as one's joint-passing youth is now revealed to be no mere
idyll but--Wow! Neat!--the stuff of great art" (10). Alec
Mchoul criticizes Vineland's politics as "60s
nostalgic quietism" (98), and Alan Wilde writes that "by
locating the ideal in the lifetime of his characters, Pynchon
betrays again his nostalgia for the regretted time before the
eclipse of 'the analog arts . . . by digital technology'"
(171). See also Ellen Friedman's more sweeping critique of Vineland
as an example of an American male nostalgia for the vanishing
privileges of patriarchy, in which "even the most radical
expressions of rebellion and discontent . . . are suffused with
nostalgia for a past order, for older texts, for the familiar
sustaining myths" (250).Back
- Recall that "nostalgia" was originally a medical
term designating a physical illness experienced by travellers
far from home.Back
- Pynchon's fiction has continually returned to historical
trauma, and has presented historical trauma in terms that are
both catastrophic and revelatory--that is, in apocalyptic terms.
The German colonial genocide in Southwest Africa (treated both
in its own right and as a precursor to the Nazi genocide of European
Jews), the slaughters of World War I relived by Brigadier Pudding
in his masochistic, copraphagic encounters with Katje at the
White Visitation, the ongoing bureaucratic-scientific control
procedures practiced by "the Firm" in Gravity's
Rainbow, and the implicit emptiness and oppression of
the tupperware America presented in The Crying of Lot 49
all stand as portents for some potentially all-encompassing and
definitive disaster. Further, they are revelations that this
disaster has, in reality, been present all along; that we live,
as Gravity's Rainbow would have it, always along
the trajectory of the rocket. Vineland's complex
response to the apocalyptic question that ends The Crying
of Lot 49--"either there was some Tristero . . .
or there was just America"--goes beyond the binarism of
that question and, I believe, beyond the curative potential contained
in the vague countercultural "Counterforce" of Gravity's
Rainbow. In Vineland, there is "just
America"; but there is a great deal to be retrieved and
reworked in that traumatic legacy.Back
- It is hard to remember now, only nine years later, all the
cultural weight attached to that Orwellian year. For forty years,
1984 served as the measure of our social fears. Especially during
the crises of the 1960s, 1984 loomed ahead as a prophecy. People
could say in 1968, either there will be a revolution or it will
be 1984--either way, the apocalypse. 1984, in effect, replaced
the millennium. In Vineland, 1984 marks an ironic
conflation of the anticlimax of Orwellian prophecy and the high
water mark of Reaganism. For a discussion of the millennial significance
taken on by Orwell's novel, see Hillel Schwartz' Century's
End: A Cultural History of the Fin de Siecle from the 990s Through
the 1990s. Particularly useful is the bibliographic note
75 on page 356.Back
- See also John B. Judis, who writes that "Reagan invented
the tactic, which became a hallmark of the new right, of targeting
the white working class by campaigning against the civil rights,
antiwar, and countercultural movements of the 1960s" (236).
Finally, Gary Wills suggests that for the Right, "the 'lifestyle'
revolution was the more serious [threat] because it was the more
lasting phenomenon: it changed attitudes toward sex, parents,
authority, the police, the military" (340).Back
- Think, for example, of literature's most famous ghost. Hamlet's
father is "doomed for a certain term to walk the night"
first in order to purge his own sins; then he appears to Hamlet
to narrate the trauma of his murder; but finally, his appearance
goes beyond just personal and familial trauma and is a general
sign that "something is rotten in the state of Denmark."Back
- In a similar way, the Becker and Traverse families, in Eula
Becker's narrative, become living memorials to the labor movement:
"Be here to remind everybody--any time they see a Traverse,
or Becker for that matter, they'll remember that one tree, and
who did it, and why. Hell of a lot better 'n a statue in the
park" (76). And for Frenesi, of course, "the past was
on her case forever, the zombie at her back..." (71).Back
- For the Right, the apocalypse of the 60s lay in the very
fact that those radical social movements took place and, in part,
succeeded. The conservative commentator Robert Nisbet pounded
this apocalyptic chord when he wrote, "...it would be difficult
to find a single decade in the history of Western culture when
so much barbarism--so much calculated onslaught against culture
and convention in any form, and so much sheer degradation of
both culture and the individual--passed into print, into music,
into art and onto the American stage as the decade of the Nineteen
Sixties" (quoted in Kevin Phillips, 18). For the Left, of
course, the catastrophe of the movements of the 1960s lay in
their apparent failures. Although historians like Petchesky,
Maurice Isserman, and Michael Kazin have pointed out that the
Reaganist reaction to the 1960s presupposed that the radical
movements in some measure had succeeded, the presence of Reaganism
as the dominant political force in the 1980s led the Left--and
certainly led Pynchon--to conclude that they had failed.Back
- See especially "The Question Concerning Technology":
Enframing "banishes man into that kind of revealing which
is an ordering. Where this ordering holds sway, it drives out
every other possibility of revealing. . . . Where Enframing holds
sway, regulating and securing of the standing-reserve mark all
revealing. They no longer even let their own fundamental characteristics
appear, namely, this revealing as such" (27).Back
- Cf. Freud's earlier essay, "Remembering, Repeating,
and Working-Through," in which he describes at greater length
the roles of memory and narrative in treating neuroses.Back
- See Frank J. Donner's The Age of Surveillance,
as well as Todd Gitlin's and Tom Hayden's accounts of the 1960s.Back
- Pynchon is historically accurate in pointing to sexuality
and gender relations as particular problems for New Left politics.
As Stokely Carmichael commented in 1965, "The only position
for women in SNCC is prone." Sara Evans, Barbara Epstein,
Barbara Ehrenreich, and Alice Echols have written compellingly
of the sexual turmoil and contradictions in the New Left as rebellion
against the restrictive gender roles of the 1950s had very different
implications for men as for women. As Echols writes, "by
advancing an untamed masculinity--one that took risks and dared
to gamble--the New Left was in some sense promoting a counterhegemonic
. . . understanding of masculinity," but one at odds with
any feminist sense of gender roles (16). A very interesting text
from the 60s that treats this problem is Eldridge Cleaver's Soul
on Ice, in which Cleaver, a convicted rapist, argues that
sexuality is always incompatible with political action, that
the political activist must be a kind of eunuch in order to be
effective and uncorrupted--an extreme position taken by a man
with his own extreme problems, but its implications are still
part of current debates, as when Andrea Dworkin in her discussion
of pornography writes, "The Left cannot have its whores
and its politics too" (217).Back
- The vision of a "beloved," or "redemptive"
community that informed the early civil rights movement, Evans
writes, "constituted both a vision of the future to be obtained
through nonviolent action and a conception of the nature of the
movement itself" (37). In showing how this sense of community
was taken up by the New Left in the early 1960s, and then adopted
by feminists in the late 1960s and early 1970s after the New
Left's fragmentation, Evans, much like Pynchon, tells the story
of the historical transmission of a utopian vision.Back
- For Prairie, the 1960s are initially just a set of cliches.
She watches her mother's films of demonstrations and remarks
on the "'dude...with the long hair and love beads, and the
joint in his mouth . . .' 'You mean in the flowered bell-bottoms
and the paisley shirt?' 'Right on, sister!'" (115). Or,
as Hector Zuniga, the former DEA officer and aspiring film producer
tells Zoyd, "Caray, you sixties people, it's amazing.
Ah love ya! Go anywhere, it don't matter--hey, Mongolia! Go way
out into smalltown Outer Mongolia, ese, there's gonna be some
local person about your age come runnin up, two fingers in a
V, hollering, 'What's yer sign, man?' or singin 'In-A-Gadda-Da-Vida'
note for note" (28). And we should note in Hector's ridicule
of 60s nostalgia the repeated presence of Pynchon's favorite
recurring consonant, perhaps a parodic nostalgia for his own
productions from the 60s.Back
Works Cited
- Benjamin, Walter. Illuminations. Trans. Harry
Zohn. New York: Schocken, 1969.
- Berressem, Hanjo. Pynchon's Poetics: Interfacing Theory
and Text. Urbana and Chicago: U of Illinois Press, 1993.
- Berube, Michael. Marginal Forces/Cultural Centers:
Tolson, Pynchon and the Politics of the Canon. Ithaca
and London: Cornell UP, 1992.
- Cannon, Lou. Reagan. New York: G.P. Putnam,
1982.
- Cleaver, Eldridge. Soul on Ice. New York: Dell,
1968.
- Coontz, Stephanie. The Way We Never Were: American
Families and the Nostalgia Trap. New York: Basic Books,
1992.
- Davis, Mike. Prisoners of the American Dream: Politics
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Seem and Helen R. Lane. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota Press, 1983.
- Doane, Janice and Devon Hodges. Nostalgia and Sexual
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and Methods of America's Political Intelligence System.
New York: Knopf, 1980.
- Dworkin, Andrea. Pornography: Men Possessing Women.
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- Epstein, Barbara. "Family Politics and the New Left:
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- Evans, Sara. Personal Politics: The Roots of Women's
Liberation in the Civil Rights Movement and the New Left.
New York: Vintage, 1979.
- Freud, Sigmund. Beyond the Pleasure Principle.
The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works
of Sigmund Freud. Trans. James Strachey. London: Hogarth
Press, 1955. 18:7-64.
- ---. "Remembering, Repeating and Working-Through."
S.E. 12:147-156.
- Friedman, Ellen G. "Where are the Missing Contents?
(Post)Modernism, Gender, and the Canon." PMLA
108 (1993): 240-52.
- Heidegger, Martin. "The Age of the World Picture."
The Question Concerning Technology, and Other Essays. Trans.
William Lovitt. New York: Harper and Row, 1977. 115-54.
- ---. "Letter on Humanism." Basic Writings.
Ed. David Farrell Krell. New York: Harper and Row, 1977. 189-242.
- ---. "The Question Concerning Technology." The
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William Lovitt. New York: Harper and Row, 1977. 3-35.
- Isserman, Maurice and Michael Kazin. "The Failure and
Success of the New Radicalism." The Rise and Fall
of the New Deal Order: 1930-1980. Ed. Steve Fraser and
Gary Gerstle. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1989. 212-42.
- Jameson, Fredric. Postmodernism or, The Cultural Logic
of Late Capitalism. Durham: Duke UP, 1991.
- Judis, John B. Grand Illusion: Critics and Champions
of the American Century. New York: Farrar, Straus and
Giroux, 1992.
- Leithauser, Brad. "Any Place You Want." New
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